Within the spring of 2019, as a brand new Mexican authorities shut down most of its cooperation with america within the combat in opposition to drug trafficking, a small group of American drug brokers determined to confront the issue differently.
Sifting by databases and court docket information, they compiled dossiers on Mexican officers suspected of colluding with the mafias. Months later, federal prosecutors used the proof to indict a former safety minister, Genaro García Luna, a very powerful Mexican determine ever convicted on U.S. drug corruption costs.
The senior agent who led the crew, Terrance C. Cole, was not rewarded for his efforts. He sought a promotion to run the Drug Enforcement Administration’s Mexico Metropolis workplace however was handed over. Annoyed with the company’s course and his personal profession trajectory, he retired in 2020 to take a job with a software program firm earlier than turning into Virginia’s secretary of public security in 2023.
5 years later, Cole is returning to run the DEA, having emerged as President Donald Trump’s sudden alternative for the place.
Not like different former brokers who’ve led the DEA, Cole by no means rose to its prime ranks and even ran certainly one of its 23 home area divisions. His most important management expertise has been overseeing police, prisons and emergency response companies beneath Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, a Trump ally who championed Cole for the DEA publish.
However with the White Home promising an all-out combat in opposition to the traffickers who’ve flooded U.S. markets with fentanyl and different unlawful medication, Cole would convey an uncommon background to the job. That features some searing experiences with the corruption that sustains the drug commerce, and a conviction that america can not efficiently combat the traffickers with out additionally taking over the officers who abet their operations.
“The Mexican drug cartels work hand-in-hand with corrupt Mexican authorities officers at excessive ranges,” Cole stated in an interview with the far-right information web site Breitbart shortly after his retirement. “If the common taxpayer had a primary understanding of how these two teams work collectively nonetheless — to this minute — they’d be sickened.”
The Trump administration has warned that it’s ready to take unilateral actions in opposition to drug mafias in Mexico if the federal government there doesn’t significantly escalate its personal efforts. However present and former officers stated White Home discussions have been extra centered on the techniques it might use in opposition to the traffickers — from drone strikes to cyber operations — than on any longer-term technique to weaken them.
The administration can also have set in movement a brand new period of interagency competitors on the difficulty, with the CIA and the Protection Division presenting proposals to increase U.S. intelligence assortment on traffickers in Mexico and attempt to disrupt their operations in ways in which might or might not complement the efforts of the DEA and different legislation enforcement companies.
How U.S. officers would possibly confront Mexico’s endemic corruption stays an open query. However after many years wherein the issue has been largely subordinated to different U.S. pursuits, it’s more likely to command the next precedence in American coverage — and to unsettle the U.S. relationship with Mexico.
In its first announcement of punitive tariffs on Mexico, the White Home cited “an insupportable alliance” between the federal government and the drug commerce. “This alliance endangers the nationwide safety of america, and we should eradicate the affect of those harmful cartels,” it stated.
Hoping to keep away from an financial calamity, Mexico has conspicuously intensified its personal drug enforcement efforts since then. However when requested about Cole’s nomination, President Claudia Sheinbaum warned that she would uphold the sharp restrictions on DEA actions in Mexico imposed by her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
“We’ll by no means allow interventionism or violations of our sovereignty,” Sheinbaum stated. “It is not going to be like earlier than President López Obrador, no.”
Privately, some DEA veterans have lobbied in opposition to Cole. These former officers, most of them related to the company’s Particular Operations Division, have questioned Cole’s {qualifications} for the job in discussions with Senate employees aides, however they’ve been unwilling to air their criticism publicly.
A former faculty lacrosse participant, Cole was described by colleagues as a pushed, aggressive and generally abrasive agent and supervisor. As a rookie agent in McAlester, Oklahoma, Cole made sufficient of an impression to be despatched in 2002 to Bogotá, Colombia, within the early years of the billion-dollar U.S. assist program referred to as Plan Colombia.
The bold U.S. effort sought to assist Colombia remodel its prison justice system, root out corruption, and fight the interwoven threats of drug gangs, leftist guerrillas and right-wing paramilitary teams. On the heart of the plan was the creation of elite police groups, vetted and skilled by the DEA, that operated alongside U.S. intelligence and legislation enforcement companies.
The crew that labored with Cole and several other different brokers was amongst Colombia’s only, former DEA officers stated. In Bogotá, it made a collection of arrests and drug seizures that struck on the Norte del Valle Cartel and its chief, Diego Montoya. It additionally uncovered proof that the cartel had co-opted high-level officers in each the police and army, they stated.
“We had been doing wonderful issues,” Cole recalled final yr on a podcast with Republican former U.S. Rep. Mary Bono. “Working a few of the greatest corruption circumstances, in opposition to a few of the highest-level Colombian authorities officers. However on Could 22, 2006, that’s when all of it got here crashing down for me.”
That day, an informant walked into the Colombian crew’s workplaces in Cali providing a tip that Montoya’s males had stashed some cocaine within the close by city of Jamundí. After in search of approval from senior police officers however not the DEA, company officers stated, the crew chief gathered 9 of his brokers and drove off with the informant to research.
As they pulled as much as the remoted location, the police got here beneath a barrage of gunfire. The capturing continued for 20 minutes till all 10 brokers and their informant had been useless. When Cole arrived on the scene that night time with the Colombian lawyer common and the pinnacle of the nationwide police, they discovered the brokers’ our bodies on the bottom; the Colombian military troopers who attacked them had been nonetheless on the hillside above them.
Cole was devastated.
“These guys labored very intently with him,” his supervisor, Matthew Donahue, stated. “We relied on them, they usually relied on us. It was like having your accomplice killed.”
Though the military claimed that the shootings had been a tragic accident, the lawyer common discovered that the informant had been planted by the traffickers and that the lieutenant colonel who led the troops had organized the ambush. In 2008, he and 14 troopers had been convicted of aggravated murder.
A number of months after the killings, Cole went forward with a deliberate tour of obligation in Afghanistan. There, he discovered once more that U.S. allies within the struggle had been generally as concerned within the drug commerce because the Taliban insurgents they fought.
In 2008, Cole moved to Dallas, the place he earned a repute as a sharp-elbowed group supervisor who pushed his brokers to get their pictures on the workplace wall by making the largest circumstances and seizing the largest hundreds. He was regarded extremely by his superiors, a number of former colleagues stated, however much less common with a few of his friends.
By 2010, Cole’s squad was centered on the Texas distribution community of the Zetas, then broadly seen as essentially the most violent of Mexico’s drug mafias, and certainly one of its leaders, Miguel Treviño Morales.
By leveraging the cooperation of traffickers dealing with prosecution, certainly one of Cole’s brokers obtained an inventory of cellphone numbers being utilized by Treviño; his brother, Omar; and their lieutenants. It was a coup — a method to maybe intercept the Zeta leaders’ calls and encrypted textual content messages and even observe their actions in actual time.
On March 9, 2011, authorities information present, Cole entered the eight numbers and a PIN code for one of many telephones right into a safe company database. He then forwarded them to the DEA’s Particular Operations Division, which might generally intercept or geolocate cellphones abroad with the assistance of U.S. intelligence companies.
Cole additionally despatched the numbers to the DEA workplaces in Mexico Metropolis and Nuevo Laredo, the place different brokers had been investigating the Zetas, officers stated. Ten days later, gunmen led by the Treviño brothers roared into the Mexican border city of Allende, the place the DEA’s informants had been working. The traffickers started torturing and murdering anybody who they suspected is perhaps linked to the boys they thought had betrayed them, killing as many as 200 males, ladies and youngsters.
In a 2017 article, ProPublica reported that Cole’s forwarding of the numbers to U.S. brokers in Mexico — who then shared them with a DEA-trained Mexican police unit that warned the Zetas — led to the Treviños’ rampage. Solely years later did the DEA, prodded by Congress, even assessment its information on the case; it by no means investigated its doable position within the bloodbath.
Cole declined to be interviewed for ProPublica’s article, and a White Home spokesperson stated he couldn’t touch upon the case now as a result of the Treviño brothers, who had been handed over to america by Mexico on Feb. 27, are dealing with prosecution for trafficking, homicide and different crimes. They pleaded not responsible final month in a Washington, D.C., federal court docket.
Credit score:
Eduardo Verdugo/AP Photographs
The White Home spokesperson stated “in fact” Cole and different DEA officers thought of the sensitivity of sending the Zetas’ cellphone info to Mexico however adopted normal protocols in doing so. A former deputy head of the DEA workplace in Dallas, Daniel Salter, stated he and the particular agent in cost there made that call, not Cole.
No less than three senior Mexican police officers who may need had entry to the cellphone numbers shared by the DEA have since been charged in america with colluding with the traffickers. However officers stated that subsequent DEA reporting additionally pointed to a different motive why the Treviños may need turned on the informant who was their major goal in Allende: He owed them some $30 million and was blamed for some earlier U.S. seizures of medication and money.
After Dallas, Cole spent 4 years on the company’s Washington-area headquarters, watching as U.S. law-enforcement companies struggled with the Mexicans to search out well-protected drug bosses, like Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, with out making any substantial impression on the move of medication.
However even that halting cooperation got here to an finish as Mexico’s new president, López Obrador, took workplace promising to combat the drug commerce with “hugs, not bullets.” He sidelined police groups skilled by the DEA, shut down a Mexican marine commando unit that had been the nation’s only weapon in opposition to the traffickers and even refused to grant visas to DEA brokers assigned to Mexico.
Former officers stated Cole, who arrived in Mexico Metropolis in late 2018 as a deputy director of the DEA’s regional workplace, quickly proposed a radical answer: If the brokers couldn’t get Mexican officers to work with them to pursue the traffickers, what about going after the corrupt officers who had been defending the traffickers’ operations?
For many years, U.S. investigators had usually prevented such targets, lest they be seen as interfering in inside Mexican politics. However the extradition of high-level Mexican traffickers over the earlier decade had created a pool of criminals keen to cut back their sentences by serving to U.S. prosecutors, and lots of had been prepared to testify in regards to the officers that they had bribed.
A crew of DEA brokers pulled collectively information on some 35 doable targets, starting from police and army commanders to Mexican cupboard officers. One goal that stood out was García Luna, the once-powerful safety minister who had labored intently with U.S. officers.
Whereas the Biden administration hailed García Luna’s prosecution in 2023 as proof of its mettle in pursuing corruption, it additionally labored assiduously to keep away from drug enforcement actions which may antagonize López Obrador and jeopardize his assist in controlling unlawful migration.
Cole was by then gone from the DEA, having left Mexico Metropolis after only a yr. He had as soon as hoped to succeed Donahue there however was not severely thought of for the publish. He retired from the company after 22 years.
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Courtesy of Matthew Donahue
As Virginia’s secretary of public security and homeland safety, Cole centered on making an attempt to restrict fentanyl trafficking, an effort that drew the eye of Trump supporters. Whereas he saved a reasonably low public profile, Cole’s robust rhetoric on Mexico was additionally very a lot in step with Trump’s.
“Mexico has been a failing state for years,” he advised Bono. Referring to the reported recruitment of overseas mercenaries by the drug gangs, he added, “Now we’re seeing Mexico flip right into a terror coaching camp much like what we noticed within the Center East years in the past.”
Though the Trump administration’s consideration to the drug challenge has raised the DEA’s profile, Cole will, if confirmed because the administrator, seemingly need to combat for its place in a rising bureaucratic scrum.
Already, officers stated, the FBI and Homeland Safety Investigations have been pushing to steer the Trump administration’s marketing campaign in opposition to trafficking teams that it has designated as terrorist organizations. The CIA and the Protection Division have additionally expanded their efforts to gather intelligence on the traffickers and put ahead choices for extra aggressive actions to strike at their operations.
With Sheinbaum nonetheless attacking the DEA as a logo of American interventionism, all 4 of these competing companies might have a neater time rebuilding belief with the Mexican authorities. However whereas Mexican leaders insist they’ll act on exhausting proof of corruption of their ranks, many U.S. officers stay skeptical that they’ll be capable of make a severe push for such motion with out upending the 2 international locations’ relationship.
